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Many framework developers do not provide empirical evidence to women's health magazine boot camp buy fertomid 50mg free shipping support their framework structure; however romney women's health issues 50mg fertomid mastercard, many developers cite theoretical evidence womens health 7 50 mg fertomid with visa. In some cases women's health clinic brighton order fertomid 50mg overnight delivery, framework developers adapted or improved upon previous theories when constructing an organizing framework. Frameworks with Evidence for the Framework Structure by Area of Study Percentage With Total in Theoretical Theoretical Area Evidence code 10 7 4 6 3 6 5 3 19 11 3 8 33 18 136 5 5 2 0 3 5 4 3 14 6 2 5 19 6 79 50. The majority of frameworks include competencies that have documented relationships with important developmental outcomes in the literature: 92 frameworks provided references about theoretical and/or empirical evidence for at least some of the competencies, whereas 44 frameworks provided neither type of evidence. Bringing together the evidence for the overall structure of the framework and the individual competencies, we find that framework developers often combine evidence-based competencies in new, theory-based but not empirically based ways. The developer or author either created a framework to guide assessment, or the developer or author cites references with measures that are relevant to the framework. We found that nine frameworks have measurement considerations as a main purpose (see frameworks labeled "Measurement Considerations" under "Purpose" in the Frameworks Table in Appendix A). Framework authors or developers name measures of constructs related to their models but do not necessarily recommend them for use. The examples of measures included in the original sources show the range of measures both within and across disciplines. For example, in addition to the entrepreneurship index mentioned, frameworks in the workforce area mention personality assessments that capture employability skills. Purpose of the Frameworks the frameworks have one of four primary purposes (see Table 5). A sizable number of frameworks (42) are intended for applied practice, and a smaller number of frameworks (25) outline standards and competencies. We suspect that the high frequency of frameworks intended for theory and research development reflects the common types of venues. The proprietary nature of many frameworks in applied practice may make the evolution of the frameworks more difficult to track; frameworks that are otherwise inspired by similar theories and models may distinguish themselves from one another in everyday practice. American Institutes for Research Identifying, Defining, and Measuring Social and Emotional Competencies-33 Patterns Related to Purpose by Area of Study Looking at areas with greater overlap in purpose, we find fields that deal with specialized subject matter. Frameworks in the area of behavioral economics (a total of six) have an exclusive purpose of theory and research development (see Table 4). Similarly, six of the seven frameworks in the area of culture are intended for theory and research development. Frameworks in the area of disability (three of four frameworks) focus almost exclusively on applied practice, and frameworks in the areas of foster care and juvenile justice (six and three, respectively) focus exclusively on applied practice. Forty percent of the frameworks in character education (four of 10) were developed for the purpose of theory and research development, whereas another 40% were developed for the purpose of applied practice. The common purposes within the area of school-based competency development (32 frameworks) are theory and research development (10 frameworks), identifying standards and competencies (12 frameworks), and applied practice (nine frameworks). The most common purpose in the workforce area is standards and competencies identification (eight of 18 frameworks). Scope of Competencies We looked for commonalities across frameworks in the breadth of competencies subsumed under the same framework (see Table 5). The frameworks are split almost evenly across our codes for narrow and comprehensive scopes, as exemplified by the Emotional Literacy (Weare & Gray, 2003) and What Works in Character Education (Berkowitz & Bier, 2005) frameworks, respectively. Patterns Related to Scope by Area of Study Some areas of study have frameworks with narrow, or focused, sets of competencies. All of the frameworks in behavioral economics, mental health, and mindfulness have a narrow scope (see Table 5). These areas also tend to have fewer frameworks and therefore are considered to be emergent areas of study. One possibility is that these frameworks provide detail about specific facets of development that are not well specified in broader frameworks, such as how competencies related to mindfulness influence well-being. American Institutes for Research Identifying, Defining, and Measuring Social and Emotional Competencies-34 Other areas did not show a clear pattern with regard to the scope. We observed a relatively even distribution of narrow and comprehensive codes for the areas of character education, disability, and resilience. In psychology, this pattern is flipped, such that seven of 11 frameworks have a narrow scope, perhaps owing to elaboration of specific competencies or constructs. Nearly all of the workforce and culture frameworks have a comprehensive scope (15 of 18 and five of seven, respectively). For example, the workforce area aims to identify a set of standards and competencies that are important to the working world while also taking a holistic approach; this finding reflects an interest in 21st century skills, which encompass not only content knowledge but also intrapersonal and interpersonal competencies necessary for success in work and life.
Moreover menstrual 21 day cycle fertomid 50mg low price, such familiarity-induced comfort can lead people to bendigo base hospital women's health cheap fertomid 50 mg amex believe that what is familiar is also true women's health center knoxville tn buy 50mg fertomid fast delivery, regardless of whether it actually is true or false pregnancy estimated due date cheap fertomid 50mg fast delivery. When consumers recognize that they have come across an advertising claim or message before, they are more likely to believe it is true. This is especially the case under the very common condition in which advertising is processed under low involvement conditions-as a background phenomenon, as we catch the ad out of the corner of our eye. High Levels of Tobacco Brand Identification as Evidence of "Friendly Familiarity" Extensive tobacco advertising campaigns over many decades has led many youths to have a high level of name and logo recognition. Reynolds Joe Camel campaign ran, the cartoon camel, Joe, was as recognizable to children as young as pre-schooler age as was Mickey Mouse (Fischer et al. In Hong Kong, when the Marlboro red chevron logo was inserted among five other logos representing different product categories, 76% of the children were able to identify the chevron as representing a brand of cigarettes. When the Marlboro name, as produced in Chinese characters was (separately) presented to the children it was correctly classified as a cigarette by 95% of them (Peters et al. It is evident that heavy advertising leads to a familiarity with brand names for even the very young. Advertising Primes Adolescents, Facilitating Interpersonal (Peer) Influence As the Pechmann and Knight (2002) experiment reviewed above suggests, by glamorizing tobacco smoking and tobacco smokers, the tobacco advertising helps sensitize, shape, or "prime" how adolescents view their peers who smoke. Those who have been exposed to the tobacco advertising will tend to see the featured, glamorized traits in their smoking peers, who in the absence of the advertising would be seen as quite average (ranging, as they do in the Pechmann and Knight 2002 experiment, from attractive to unattractive). The last step in this process is when those who have been exposed to the tobacco advertising come to regard the peers as role models and are influenced by them to smoke (Pechmann & Knight, 2002). It has also been observed that to the extent studies document a relationship between having friends who smoke and smoking, this is reflective of peer selection and not peer pressure. Susceptible teens peruse their environment in a radar-like fashion and identify peers with whom they would like to "hang out. Note that this is not, as cigarette companies would describe, a situation in which a set of smoking teenagers approach a lone peer and pressure him/her to begin smoking. The conjunction of advertising and promotion with interpersonal influence among youths is readily modeled by the "multi-step" flow of influence (Assael, 2004). This process refers to the fact that those around us can and do influence us, but this influence comes as a consequence of the media messages to which we are all exposed (Assael, 2004). More recently, this process has been referred to as viral marketing (Godin, 2001). Ignite consumer networks and then get out of the way and let them talk" (Godin, 2001, p. Advertising serves to initiate discussion by both "opinion leaders" and their "followers" who touch base with one another to assess the merits of what they have seen/heard. Reynolds, 1984) identifies a "bandwagon effect" that accrues to a "first brand" which achieves a 30% share among underage smokers (p. Tobacco Advertising Reflects these Motives/Goals Individuation As part of a natural maturation process, young adolescents want and need to separate from their parents and develop separate identities even as they seek approval from their peers (Steinberg, 1993). One aspect of individuation is that the adolescent is motivated to take increasing responsibility for his/her actions-to make independent decisions (Steinberg, 1993). Research funded by tobacco companies has given these firms an understanding of this process and enabled them to exploit it. A Canadian industry report describes young male smokers as "going through a stage where they are seeking to express their independence and individuality. Morgan was asked: "Well does the Marlboro Man project self-reliance, independence Growing Up In a presentation to the Philip Morris Board of Governors, a senior Philip Morris executive, states: "The 16 to 20 year old begins smoking for psychosocial reasons. The tobacco firms understand that there is nothing a 17-year-old would rather be than 21; nothing a 15-year-old would rather be than 18. This dynamic cannot be captured by "hanging out" with other 15-year-olds; hence the power of using young, attractive models in cigarette advertising.
On the other hand women's health clinic deland order fertomid in india, feelings originally characterized as low positive affect (hence low in activation/arousal) and that correspond to pregnancy hospital bag checklist cheap 50mg fertomid overnight delivery quietude and calmness are not far removed from low negative affect states women's health clinic rockhampton order 50mg fertomid with amex. Consider a person who views himself as experiencing a lack (or loss) of pleasure or lack of response to menopause weight loss supplements order cheap fertomid line pleasurable stimuli. At low levels, then, self reports of positive and negative affect can be positively correlated (Watson, Wiese, Vaidya, & Tellegen, 1999), suggesting independence. Underlying neurophysiological processes clearly register and potentiate positive and negative affect simultaneously. Though conflict and/or ambivalence would seem to be logical consequences of events and stimuli that simultaneously prompt fear and excitement, making effective reactions difficult, emotional paralysis in not the norm. A great deal of current research beyond the scope of this chapter is providing substantial insight about how these underlying neurophysiological processes translate into more molar responses. The positive cluster consists of active, alert, attentive, determined, enthusiastic, excited, inspired, interested, proud, and strong. The negative cluster consists of afraid, ashamed, distressed, guilty, hostile, irritable, jittery, nervous, scared, and upset. First, the two scales do not cover the full range of positive and negative affect. Watson and colleagues were clear at the outset that they wished to capture a combination of positive affect and activation (and the same enhanced activation on the negative side). The functional significance of these two dimensions was recognized by Fowles (1994). Considerable research in neurophysiology is being directed to understanding the processes responsible for these appetitive and aversive effects, but that is beyond the scope of this chapter (for a review, see Lang, 1995). Russell and Carroll (1999a) note that the negative set includes none of the semantic opposites of the positive set because the opposite of positive activation is not negative activation, but a state combining negative affect and low arousal. In a reanalysis of available data, Russell and Carroll (1999a) identified three clusters of positive items that could alternatively be viewed as varying continuously in arousal. The first cluster involves positive affective states of high activation such as being enthused, ebullient, excited, and energetic. A second cluster involves positive affective states of moderate activation such as being happy, gratified, pleased and content. A third cluster involves positive affective states of low activation such as being calm, serene, tranquil and relaxed. A parallel clustering was uncovered on the negative affect side: (1) negative affective states of high activation such as being tense, upset, jittery, and nervous; (2) negative affective states of moderate activation such as being unhappy, miserable, discontent and troubled; and (3) negative affective states of low activation such as being depressed, bored, lethargic, and glum. Mixed emotions A person can feel sad and guilty or happy and proud at the same time. But is it possible to feel guilty and proud (or any other combination of oppositely valenced emotions) at the same time Imagine, for example, being very successful in a negotiation in a third-world country that deprived the seller of money that had significantly greater value to her than to you. You might feel pride at your skill (particularly if others in your group did less well in similar negotiations), but you also may experience guilt. Russell and Carroll (1999a) argue that the bipolarity of emotional experience implies that when you are happy, you are not sad, just as when you are hot, you are not cold. Strictly speaking, that claim is very strong since being at one point on the abscissa of an affect distribution precludes being at any other point. Mutual exclusivity of positive and negative affect, on the other hand, would produce intermediate degrees of independence. But does any level of correlation between measures of positive and negative affect imply that any (even low) levels of happiness preclude experiencing sadness Watson and Tellegen (1999) maintained that sadness decreases as happiness increases.
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